一件铁质雕塑 - Dogon - 马里 (没有保留价)

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Dimitri André
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由Dimitri André精选

拥有非洲研究硕士学位及非洲艺术15年工作经验。

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这是一件马里狗贡族的铁制仪式杖,高136厘米,重1.9公斤,配有底座,状况公平,Authenticity为原件/官方。

AI辅助摘要

卖家的描述

A superb Dogon ceremonial staff, made of wrought iron, demonstrating an exceptional level of artistic mastery and blacksmithing skill, from Bandiagara in Dogon Country, Mali. Incl. stand.

This ritual staff made of wrought iron (often called “black iron”) is a highly symbolic work crafted by the master blacksmiths of the Dogon people in Mali. Its extremely slender vertical structure is arranged in a sequential and symmetrical pattern. The entire piece rests on a long, slender shaft of dark metal, characterized by a natural oxidation patina. Along the central axis, the blacksmith has split the iron to create openwork sections shaped like elongated diamonds. These sections lend a sense of lightness and a geometric rhythm to the structure. At several strategic points along the rod, pairs of metal branches extend from the central axis to form sinuous hooks curving downward, reminiscent of stylized horn motifs or altar anchors. The cup-shaped top, whose uppermost point ends in a small, flat circular platform (or cup), echoes the structures of ritual oil lamps or offering vessels. Toward the center of the staff, the iron elements become denser, evoking in a highly abstract and minimalist way a protective figure, reminiscent of the ancestral Nommo spirits of Dogon cosmogony. Just above the base, hanging elements shaped like small bells or metal strips are suspended from it, and the lower part of the piece tapers to a flat, pointed base, originally designed to be driven directly into the ground, onto a sanctuary altar (Binu), or into the courtyard of a dwelling.

A portion of the Dogon live on the Bandiagara Plateau, Mali, a 150-mile high rise that supports a population of 250,000 to 450,000 people. Their history, knowledge of technologies, cultural wealth, art and even their oral legends are among the most involved in Africa, not least because the polity is essentially artificial and made up of various sub-units that, due to the proximity among the colonial administration were regrouped. They moved to this area in the 15th century, escaping the Mande Kingdom and slavery at the hands of Islamic groups. In turn, they drove out a number of tribes (including the Tellem and Niongom) who lived on the escarpment at the time. They are active as farmers and devote themselves to growing millet, barley, onions and raising various animals. A patrilineal, polygamous society organized around skilled trades. They had advanced astronomical skills, including knowledge of the fact that Sirius is a binary star (something astronomers with telescopes didn't realize until the late 20th century). Due to the high concentration of people in some areas of the cliffs, they have developed a social system based on the concept of "sewa", essentially a balance of social harmony in which all classes and groups recognize, thank and acknowledge the worth of all others. They are prolific in terms of artistic production, not least because they have mastered all the major materials used in traditional African art; Figures of stone, iron, bronze/copper and of course wood are all known, in addition to cave/rock paintings and the adaptation of more modern materials. Furthermore, their social structures are extremely complex (and variable - see below) and are socially signaled through numerous material signaling systems. Her profound opposition to Islam, which once sought to enslave her, is striking given their relative proximity and is evident in her defiantly figurative artworks, which of course are forbidden under Islamic law. Their diversity has presented certain challenges to Western art historians.

Dogon art presents a broad range of object types and styles. Among the human figures alone, some are well over life-size, while others are barely a few inches in height. Their repertoire of gestures is also varied, and includes figures standing, kneeling, sitting, or riding, raising one both arms in a variety of poses, and holding or wearing articles related to their gender, age, occupation, or social status. In style they vary from full-volumed, sensitively modeled sculptures that are highly descriptive in their details to works that are reduced to abstract geometric shapes stripped of all but the barest references to human anatomy. The surfaces of Dogon sculptures also suggest that they are treated in a variety of ways and may therefore have a range of meanings. While some works are smooth, oiled, and polished, others are thickly coated with sacrificial materials, sometimes to the point of obscuring their sculptural form. The range of styles and imagery seen in Dogon sculpture suggests that they embody richer and more varied references than the simple identification as images of Nommo would encompass. Even if the ultimate meaning of Dogon art depends upon the concept of Nommo, as Griaule and Dieterlen and their followers propose, this meaning can only be enriched by adding to it the many other levels of meaning that arise from the particular settings in which the objects are located.

The Dogon place wood figures depicting men and women on many different kinds of altars, most of which are dedicated to ancestors, either real or mythical. Although figurative sculptures, called dege, are perhaps the most interesting types of Dogon art, varied in form and rich in imagery, they are also among the least well documented. Few altars have been described in detail or illustrated; those that have been scribed do not suggest any consistent pattern linking a particular style of figure or a specific posture or gesture with any one kind of altar. There is also little information with which to identify the persons represented by the figures.

Each lineage possesses an altar containing figurative sculpture, which is dedicated to its founders and to subsequent members who have died, known as vageu. In recounting the myth of the first person to die in human form, Griaule tells of how a wooden sculpture representing the dead man was carved in order to provide a support for his soul and his vital force (nyama), which were released at his death. The figure wasplaced on the man's rooftop terrace along with a pottery bowl for libations. As death spread throughout the land, similar figures and bowls were placed on altars established by each lineage (Griaule, 1938: 171-72; Dieterlen, 1941: 18,22, 140; also Desplagnes, 1907:273). Photographs and drawings of vageu altars show rather simplified, even cylindrical, stick like figures leaning against the wall of the shrine (Dieterlen, 1941: pis. Vb and Vc, fig. 10). Along with the figures one also sees pottery bowls and small cups in which sacrificial liquids are offered to the ancestors and small notched ladders so the spirits can climb to the rooftop altar; iron hooks (gobo), cylinders of red ocher, iron ornaments, and pots of roots soaking in water are kept there also and are used in healing. Sacrifices are performed collectively on all these objects at planting and harvest times, as well as by individuals who have inherited the souls of particular ancestors. The altars are kept in the ginna, orlineage head's house, of which there are several in each village. An altar can be found on the upper story of the house, in a corner of the living quarters, in the granary, in the courtyard, or even in a separate structure nearby (Paulme, 1940: 109-11; Dieterlen, 1941: 141-47).

Litterature

Frank, Eerhasrt, the power of iron, in Africa, paqge 63 ff.
s. Frank Eerhart: "The Power of Iron in Africa", S. 103-105; Frank Eerhart Editions, Eindhoven 2012;

Some of the information is generated by artificial intelligence and is based on published sources from the fields of ethnography, archaeology, and art history.

The Power of Iron in Africa - A Collection without Collector

M*A*Z*1*5*7*8*8*8*

The seller guarantees and can prove that the object was obtained legally. The seller was informed by Catawiki that they had to provide the documentation required by the laws and regulations in their country of residence. The seller guarantees and is entitled to sell/export this object. The seller will provide all provenance information known about the object to the buyer. The seller ensures that any necessary permits are/will be arranged. The seller will inform the buyer immediately about any delays in obtaining such permits.

卖家故事

沃尔夫冈·贾艾尼克的对非洲艺术的投入并非始于田野或市场,而是在一个更安静、更内在的空间——在父亲的文件、书籍与物件之间。关于德国前殖民地的档案并非为了讲出一个单一的故事;它暗示着多种可能。它邀请审视而非崇敬,并让贾艾尼克在早年就明白,物件从来不是沉默的。它们内部携带时间——断裂与延续以同样的形式共存——并请人像对待文本那样去解读它们。 二十多年多来,贾艾尼克一直以收藏家、经销商与中介的身份工作,尽管这些称谓都不能完全概括他的实践形态。曾经较为随意地归在“部落艺术”范畴下的事物,在他看来从未是一个封闭或历史性的类别。它更像是一组活生生的传统,不断在当下进行协商。他的学术训练——民族学、艺术史与比较法——提供了一个语法;语言本身则在别处学得。在马里、喀麦隆、科特迪瓦、布基纳法索、多哥和加纳,知识是通过反复的相遇逐步显现,逐步变成关系,并通过信任在多年里一点点建立起来。 马里成为这段经历的重力中心。2002年至2012年间,贾艾尼克在巴马科和塞古居住并工作,经营着Tribalartforum,一家俯瞰尼日尔河的画廊。这个空间抵抗简单的年表化叙述。雕塑与陶器与摄影共处同一房间,马利克·西德比(Malick Sidibé)的作品——70年代昔日马里的青年形象,充满自信与热情——与更古老的仪式形式并列挂着。其效果并非让人怀旧,而是澄清:过去与现在并不彼此抵消,而是相互锐化。 2012年的战争突然结束了这一阶段,正如战争常常所做的那样。但它并未消解这份工作。与阿吉布·卡马特(Aguibou Kamaté)一起,贾艾尼克在洛美重新集结,离许多物件的来源地更近,也离它们继续行走的路线更近。自2018年以来,柏林成为这张地图上的又一个节点。Wolfgang Jaenicke画廊现设在夏洛滕堡皇宫对面,由一支小型专家团队支撑。其重点,尤其聚焦于西非青铜器与陶土器——这类以土与火为塑造材料,又以记忆形式抵御轻易翻译的材料。 贾艾尼克的实践之所以与众不同,不仅在于它的地理范围,还在于其内部张力。田野工作与来源研究并行;商业活动与责任感被视为不可分割。与博物馆及学术机构的合作中,流通被框定为一种伦理过程,而非单纯的掠取。目标并非将物件从世界中移除并封存起来,而是让它们在世界中保持可读性——在其言语的条件改变之时,仍使它们继续发声。 ------------ Galerie Wolfgang Jaenicke 是一家驻柏林的画廊,专注于西非雕塑、青铜器、陶土器、面具以及当代非洲艺术。由沃尔夫冈·贾艾尼克掌舵,他的工作结合了收藏、经销、来源研究、田野考察与档案文献记录。 据画廊自述,贾艾尼克学习了民族学、艺术史与比较法,在非洲艺术领域从业超过二十五年。他的活动通过在马里、喀麦隆、科特迪瓦、布基纳法索、加纳和多哥等国的长期参与而发展起来。他并非将非洲艺术呈现为一个封闭的历史范畴,而是描述为由活生生的社区和不断变化的历史情境共同塑造的持续文化传统。 他职业生涯的一个特别重要阶段是在马里,约2002年至2012年间在巴马科和塞古居住、工作。在那里他经营Tribalartforum,一家将历史性非洲雕塑与当代非洲摄影结合起来的画廊,包括马利克·西迪贝的作品。2012年马里的政治与军事危机导致这一阶段的活动关闭。 随后,贾艾尼克与阿吉布·卡马特一起继续在洛美、多哥工作,然后在柏林夏洛滕堡宫附近建立画廊。画廊尤为强调西非青铜器、陶土器、与贝宁及伊菲相关作品、诺克(Nok)雕塑、道贡(Dogon)艺术、包雷(Baule)雕塑、塞努福(Senufo)物件以及约鲁巴材料等。 贾艾尼克公共立场的一个独特之处在于他反复强调来源透明度和赔偿辩论。在若干已发表的物件记录中,画廊明确讨论出口文书、联合国教科文组织公约、所有权历史以及与学者和赔偿研究人员的沟通等问题。这些陈述反映了当代关于非洲文化遗产流通、合法性、收藏史及博物馆收购实践的更广泛辩论。 画廊维持着大量线上档案与目录,记录着数百件非洲物件,包括贝宁与伊菲青铜器、诺克陶土、道贡雕塑、包雷人像、丰(Fon)物件、莫巴(Moba)人像及其他西非材料。 对于研究非洲艺术贸易史的学者而言,贾艾尼克代表了比约翰·J·克莱曼等人物更后期的一代经销商。克莱曼属于二战后纽约市场的1950年代至1970年代,而贾艾尼克的工作则受现代议题的影响:田野文档、来源研究、赔偿讨论、数字档案以及与西非网络与艺术家直接接触。 本文本基于人工智能信息
使用Google翻译翻译

A superb Dogon ceremonial staff, made of wrought iron, demonstrating an exceptional level of artistic mastery and blacksmithing skill, from Bandiagara in Dogon Country, Mali. Incl. stand.

This ritual staff made of wrought iron (often called “black iron”) is a highly symbolic work crafted by the master blacksmiths of the Dogon people in Mali. Its extremely slender vertical structure is arranged in a sequential and symmetrical pattern. The entire piece rests on a long, slender shaft of dark metal, characterized by a natural oxidation patina. Along the central axis, the blacksmith has split the iron to create openwork sections shaped like elongated diamonds. These sections lend a sense of lightness and a geometric rhythm to the structure. At several strategic points along the rod, pairs of metal branches extend from the central axis to form sinuous hooks curving downward, reminiscent of stylized horn motifs or altar anchors. The cup-shaped top, whose uppermost point ends in a small, flat circular platform (or cup), echoes the structures of ritual oil lamps or offering vessels. Toward the center of the staff, the iron elements become denser, evoking in a highly abstract and minimalist way a protective figure, reminiscent of the ancestral Nommo spirits of Dogon cosmogony. Just above the base, hanging elements shaped like small bells or metal strips are suspended from it, and the lower part of the piece tapers to a flat, pointed base, originally designed to be driven directly into the ground, onto a sanctuary altar (Binu), or into the courtyard of a dwelling.

A portion of the Dogon live on the Bandiagara Plateau, Mali, a 150-mile high rise that supports a population of 250,000 to 450,000 people. Their history, knowledge of technologies, cultural wealth, art and even their oral legends are among the most involved in Africa, not least because the polity is essentially artificial and made up of various sub-units that, due to the proximity among the colonial administration were regrouped. They moved to this area in the 15th century, escaping the Mande Kingdom and slavery at the hands of Islamic groups. In turn, they drove out a number of tribes (including the Tellem and Niongom) who lived on the escarpment at the time. They are active as farmers and devote themselves to growing millet, barley, onions and raising various animals. A patrilineal, polygamous society organized around skilled trades. They had advanced astronomical skills, including knowledge of the fact that Sirius is a binary star (something astronomers with telescopes didn't realize until the late 20th century). Due to the high concentration of people in some areas of the cliffs, they have developed a social system based on the concept of "sewa", essentially a balance of social harmony in which all classes and groups recognize, thank and acknowledge the worth of all others. They are prolific in terms of artistic production, not least because they have mastered all the major materials used in traditional African art; Figures of stone, iron, bronze/copper and of course wood are all known, in addition to cave/rock paintings and the adaptation of more modern materials. Furthermore, their social structures are extremely complex (and variable - see below) and are socially signaled through numerous material signaling systems. Her profound opposition to Islam, which once sought to enslave her, is striking given their relative proximity and is evident in her defiantly figurative artworks, which of course are forbidden under Islamic law. Their diversity has presented certain challenges to Western art historians.

Dogon art presents a broad range of object types and styles. Among the human figures alone, some are well over life-size, while others are barely a few inches in height. Their repertoire of gestures is also varied, and includes figures standing, kneeling, sitting, or riding, raising one both arms in a variety of poses, and holding or wearing articles related to their gender, age, occupation, or social status. In style they vary from full-volumed, sensitively modeled sculptures that are highly descriptive in their details to works that are reduced to abstract geometric shapes stripped of all but the barest references to human anatomy. The surfaces of Dogon sculptures also suggest that they are treated in a variety of ways and may therefore have a range of meanings. While some works are smooth, oiled, and polished, others are thickly coated with sacrificial materials, sometimes to the point of obscuring their sculptural form. The range of styles and imagery seen in Dogon sculpture suggests that they embody richer and more varied references than the simple identification as images of Nommo would encompass. Even if the ultimate meaning of Dogon art depends upon the concept of Nommo, as Griaule and Dieterlen and their followers propose, this meaning can only be enriched by adding to it the many other levels of meaning that arise from the particular settings in which the objects are located.

The Dogon place wood figures depicting men and women on many different kinds of altars, most of which are dedicated to ancestors, either real or mythical. Although figurative sculptures, called dege, are perhaps the most interesting types of Dogon art, varied in form and rich in imagery, they are also among the least well documented. Few altars have been described in detail or illustrated; those that have been scribed do not suggest any consistent pattern linking a particular style of figure or a specific posture or gesture with any one kind of altar. There is also little information with which to identify the persons represented by the figures.

Each lineage possesses an altar containing figurative sculpture, which is dedicated to its founders and to subsequent members who have died, known as vageu. In recounting the myth of the first person to die in human form, Griaule tells of how a wooden sculpture representing the dead man was carved in order to provide a support for his soul and his vital force (nyama), which were released at his death. The figure wasplaced on the man's rooftop terrace along with a pottery bowl for libations. As death spread throughout the land, similar figures and bowls were placed on altars established by each lineage (Griaule, 1938: 171-72; Dieterlen, 1941: 18,22, 140; also Desplagnes, 1907:273). Photographs and drawings of vageu altars show rather simplified, even cylindrical, stick like figures leaning against the wall of the shrine (Dieterlen, 1941: pis. Vb and Vc, fig. 10). Along with the figures one also sees pottery bowls and small cups in which sacrificial liquids are offered to the ancestors and small notched ladders so the spirits can climb to the rooftop altar; iron hooks (gobo), cylinders of red ocher, iron ornaments, and pots of roots soaking in water are kept there also and are used in healing. Sacrifices are performed collectively on all these objects at planting and harvest times, as well as by individuals who have inherited the souls of particular ancestors. The altars are kept in the ginna, orlineage head's house, of which there are several in each village. An altar can be found on the upper story of the house, in a corner of the living quarters, in the granary, in the courtyard, or even in a separate structure nearby (Paulme, 1940: 109-11; Dieterlen, 1941: 141-47).

Litterature

Frank, Eerhasrt, the power of iron, in Africa, paqge 63 ff.
s. Frank Eerhart: "The Power of Iron in Africa", S. 103-105; Frank Eerhart Editions, Eindhoven 2012;

Some of the information is generated by artificial intelligence and is based on published sources from the fields of ethnography, archaeology, and art history.

The Power of Iron in Africa - A Collection without Collector

M*A*Z*1*5*7*8*8*8*

The seller guarantees and can prove that the object was obtained legally. The seller was informed by Catawiki that they had to provide the documentation required by the laws and regulations in their country of residence. The seller guarantees and is entitled to sell/export this object. The seller will provide all provenance information known about the object to the buyer. The seller ensures that any necessary permits are/will be arranged. The seller will inform the buyer immediately about any delays in obtaining such permits.

卖家故事

沃尔夫冈·贾艾尼克的对非洲艺术的投入并非始于田野或市场,而是在一个更安静、更内在的空间——在父亲的文件、书籍与物件之间。关于德国前殖民地的档案并非为了讲出一个单一的故事;它暗示着多种可能。它邀请审视而非崇敬,并让贾艾尼克在早年就明白,物件从来不是沉默的。它们内部携带时间——断裂与延续以同样的形式共存——并请人像对待文本那样去解读它们。 二十多年多来,贾艾尼克一直以收藏家、经销商与中介的身份工作,尽管这些称谓都不能完全概括他的实践形态。曾经较为随意地归在“部落艺术”范畴下的事物,在他看来从未是一个封闭或历史性的类别。它更像是一组活生生的传统,不断在当下进行协商。他的学术训练——民族学、艺术史与比较法——提供了一个语法;语言本身则在别处学得。在马里、喀麦隆、科特迪瓦、布基纳法索、多哥和加纳,知识是通过反复的相遇逐步显现,逐步变成关系,并通过信任在多年里一点点建立起来。 马里成为这段经历的重力中心。2002年至2012年间,贾艾尼克在巴马科和塞古居住并工作,经营着Tribalartforum,一家俯瞰尼日尔河的画廊。这个空间抵抗简单的年表化叙述。雕塑与陶器与摄影共处同一房间,马利克·西德比(Malick Sidibé)的作品——70年代昔日马里的青年形象,充满自信与热情——与更古老的仪式形式并列挂着。其效果并非让人怀旧,而是澄清:过去与现在并不彼此抵消,而是相互锐化。 2012年的战争突然结束了这一阶段,正如战争常常所做的那样。但它并未消解这份工作。与阿吉布·卡马特(Aguibou Kamaté)一起,贾艾尼克在洛美重新集结,离许多物件的来源地更近,也离它们继续行走的路线更近。自2018年以来,柏林成为这张地图上的又一个节点。Wolfgang Jaenicke画廊现设在夏洛滕堡皇宫对面,由一支小型专家团队支撑。其重点,尤其聚焦于西非青铜器与陶土器——这类以土与火为塑造材料,又以记忆形式抵御轻易翻译的材料。 贾艾尼克的实践之所以与众不同,不仅在于它的地理范围,还在于其内部张力。田野工作与来源研究并行;商业活动与责任感被视为不可分割。与博物馆及学术机构的合作中,流通被框定为一种伦理过程,而非单纯的掠取。目标并非将物件从世界中移除并封存起来,而是让它们在世界中保持可读性——在其言语的条件改变之时,仍使它们继续发声。 ------------ Galerie Wolfgang Jaenicke 是一家驻柏林的画廊,专注于西非雕塑、青铜器、陶土器、面具以及当代非洲艺术。由沃尔夫冈·贾艾尼克掌舵,他的工作结合了收藏、经销、来源研究、田野考察与档案文献记录。 据画廊自述,贾艾尼克学习了民族学、艺术史与比较法,在非洲艺术领域从业超过二十五年。他的活动通过在马里、喀麦隆、科特迪瓦、布基纳法索、加纳和多哥等国的长期参与而发展起来。他并非将非洲艺术呈现为一个封闭的历史范畴,而是描述为由活生生的社区和不断变化的历史情境共同塑造的持续文化传统。 他职业生涯的一个特别重要阶段是在马里,约2002年至2012年间在巴马科和塞古居住、工作。在那里他经营Tribalartforum,一家将历史性非洲雕塑与当代非洲摄影结合起来的画廊,包括马利克·西迪贝的作品。2012年马里的政治与军事危机导致这一阶段的活动关闭。 随后,贾艾尼克与阿吉布·卡马特一起继续在洛美、多哥工作,然后在柏林夏洛滕堡宫附近建立画廊。画廊尤为强调西非青铜器、陶土器、与贝宁及伊菲相关作品、诺克(Nok)雕塑、道贡(Dogon)艺术、包雷(Baule)雕塑、塞努福(Senufo)物件以及约鲁巴材料等。 贾艾尼克公共立场的一个独特之处在于他反复强调来源透明度和赔偿辩论。在若干已发表的物件记录中,画廊明确讨论出口文书、联合国教科文组织公约、所有权历史以及与学者和赔偿研究人员的沟通等问题。这些陈述反映了当代关于非洲文化遗产流通、合法性、收藏史及博物馆收购实践的更广泛辩论。 画廊维持着大量线上档案与目录,记录着数百件非洲物件,包括贝宁与伊菲青铜器、诺克陶土、道贡雕塑、包雷人像、丰(Fon)物件、莫巴(Moba)人像及其他西非材料。 对于研究非洲艺术贸易史的学者而言,贾艾尼克代表了比约翰·J·克莱曼等人物更后期的一代经销商。克莱曼属于二战后纽约市场的1950年代至1970年代,而贾艾尼克的工作则受现代议题的影响:田野文档、来源研究、赔偿讨论、数字档案以及与西非网络与艺术家直接接触。 本文本基于人工智能信息
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详细资料

Ethnic group/ culture
Dogon
原产国
马里
材质
Black Iron
Sold with stand
是的
状态
情况尚佳
艺术品标题
A iron sculpture
高度
136 cm
重量
1,9 kg
真伪
原始的/正式的
德国经验证
6488
已售出的几件物品
99,45%
protop

Rechtliche Informationen des Verkäufers

Unternehmen:
Jaenicke Njoya GmbH
Repräsentant:
Wolfgang Jaenicke
Adresse:
Jaenicke Njoya GmbH
Klausenerplatz 7
14059 Berlin
GERMANY
Telefonnummer:
+493033951033
Email:
w.jaenicke@jaenicke-njoya.com
USt-IdNr.:
DE241193499

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