一个陶土雕塑 - Bankoni - Bamana - 马里 (没有保留价)

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Dimitri André
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拥有非洲研究硕士学位及非洲艺术15年工作经验。

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卖家的描述

Terracotta Bankoni pirogue with figural ensemble, region Segou, Mali.

At the centre of the pirogue stands a mounted rider seated on a comparatively small horse. As Jentsch observed for the entire corpus, the rider is significantly larger than the horse, emphasising hierarchy rather than naturalistic proportion. The horse's robust, column-like legs are integrated into the body of the boat, serving both structural and compositional functions. The rider faces the direction of travel and is characterised by an elongated neck encircled by a prominent ring, which Jentsch describes as a neck ornament. The elongated head and highly simplified facial features—with only minimally modelled eyes, nose, and mouth—are likewise consistent with the stylistic conventions identified in the article.

The front and rear views reveal four attendant figures arranged symmetrically at the bow and stern. Kneeling along the gunwales, they are markedly smaller than the rider, reinforcing the hierarchical organisation of the group. Although Jentsch notes that attendants frequently hold short paddles, no such attributes can be identified with certainty on this example, either because of surface erosion or because they were never modelled. Nevertheless, the spatial arrangement corresponds closely to the compositional pattern described in the article.

Seen from the rear, the sculpture also demonstrates how completely the horse, rider, attendants, and boat are integrated into a single sculptural entity. The pirogue is not merely a support for the figures but a shared spatial framework in which all participants are materially connected. For this reason, Jentsch's term "figural ornament" appears problematic. The figures do not decorate the boat; rather, they constitute its primary iconographic programme. Without the horse, rider, and attendants, the vessel would lose its meaning. The sculpture therefore represents a coherent narrative or ritual scene rather than a miniature model of an ordinary canoe.

From the perspective of object biography, the sculpture can be understood as more than an archaeological artefact. Surface wear, losses, and weathering testify to a long history of use and deposition. Combined with Jentsch's observation that many pirogues were already broken before burial, these traces suggest that fragmentation may have formed part of the object's original life history rather than resulting solely from accidental damage. The biography of the sculpture therefore encompasses manufacture, ritual use, possible intentional fragmentation, deposition, excavation, restoration, circulation through the art market, and eventual reinterpretation as a work of African art. Analogies with carved Bamana pirogue sculptures further support an interpretation of the vessel not as a simple scale model but as a symbolic and performative space in which hierarchy, authority, ancestral presence, or ritual transition were materially enacted.

In his article, Thomas Jentsch presents for the first time a corpus of twenty-eight terracotta pirogue models from the Inland Niger Delta of Mali that entered Germany through the art market and are now in the author's private collection. According to a thermoluminescence test, at least one example dates to approximately 490 years ago. Jentsch provides a detailed formal description of the objects, discussing their dimensions, construction, and iconography. Most depict a long, narrow canoe carrying a centrally placed horse with one or two mounted riders, accompanied by kneeling attendants positioned at the bow and stern. Some figures hold paddles, shields, or quivers, while others are distinguished by necklaces, arm rings, amulets, and highly stylised facial features. The article also compares these works with related finds from Fatoma and the Sévaré region, arguing that figural pirogue representations were not confined to the Djenné area. Because neither the archaeological provenance nor the excavation contexts are known, however, the discussion remains largely descriptive and typological, focusing on morphology rather than function or meaning.

Viewed through the lens of object biography, the article invites a broader interpretation than it ultimately pursues. Rather than treating the pirogues simply as archaeological sculptures or miniature boats, they can be understood as objects whose significance changed over time. Their biographies encompass manufacture, ritual or social use, deliberate or accidental fragmentation, deposition, excavation, restoration, circulation through the art market, acquisition by collectors, and eventual publication as works of African art. Particularly significant is Jentsch's observation that the fracture surfaces had already acquired a patina before burial, suggesting that the objects had been broken prior to deposition. While this cannot be taken as proof of ritual fragmentation, it raises the possibility that breaking formed part of the objects' original life history rather than being merely the result of later damage.

The title itself, “Pirogue Models with Figural Ornament,” also deserves reconsideration. The term “ornament” implies decoration, whereas the repeated arrangement of horse, rider, attendants, paddles, and weapons suggests a coherent iconographic programme. Rather than embellishing the boats, these figures may have constituted an integrated ritual ensemble. Analogies with carved Bamana pirogue models indicate that the boats could have functioned as symbolic spaces in which authority, ancestral presence, procession, or ritual transition was enacted. An object-biographical approach therefore shifts attention away from stylistic description towards the changing social and ritual lives of these artefacts, recognising them not only as archaeological finds but also as objects transformed through use, deposition, restoration, collection, and scholarly interpretation.

Thomas Jentsch, “Pirogenmodelle mit Figurenschmuck aus Mali,” Kunst & Kontext, no. 28, June 2026, pp. 17–20.

Some of the information is generated by artificial intelligence and is based on published sources from the fields of ethnography, archaeology, and art history.

Invent. No. MAZ//18/9///39

The seller guarantees and can prove that the object was obtained legally. The seller was informed by Catawiki that they had to provide the documentation required by the laws and regulations in their country of residence. The seller guarantees and is entitled to sell/export this object. The seller will provide all provenance information known about the object to the buyer. The seller ensures that any necessary permits are/will be arranged. The seller will inform the buyer immediately about any delays in obtaining such permits.

卖家故事

沃尔夫冈·贾艾尼克的对非洲艺术的投入并非始于田野或市场,而是在一个更安静、更内在的空间——在父亲的文件、书籍与物件之间。关于德国前殖民地的档案并非为了讲出一个单一的故事;它暗示着多种可能。它邀请审视而非崇敬,并让贾艾尼克在早年就明白,物件从来不是沉默的。它们内部携带时间——断裂与延续以同样的形式共存——并请人像对待文本那样去解读它们。 二十多年多来,贾艾尼克一直以收藏家、经销商与中介的身份工作,尽管这些称谓都不能完全概括他的实践形态。曾经较为随意地归在“部落艺术”范畴下的事物,在他看来从未是一个封闭或历史性的类别。它更像是一组活生生的传统,不断在当下进行协商。他的学术训练——民族学、艺术史与比较法——提供了一个语法;语言本身则在别处学得。在马里、喀麦隆、科特迪瓦、布基纳法索、多哥和加纳,知识是通过反复的相遇逐步显现,逐步变成关系,并通过信任在多年里一点点建立起来。 马里成为这段经历的重力中心。2002年至2012年间,贾艾尼克在巴马科和塞古居住并工作,经营着Tribalartforum,一家俯瞰尼日尔河的画廊。这个空间抵抗简单的年表化叙述。雕塑与陶器与摄影共处同一房间,马利克·西德比(Malick Sidibé)的作品——70年代昔日马里的青年形象,充满自信与热情——与更古老的仪式形式并列挂着。其效果并非让人怀旧,而是澄清:过去与现在并不彼此抵消,而是相互锐化。 2012年的战争突然结束了这一阶段,正如战争常常所做的那样。但它并未消解这份工作。与阿吉布·卡马特(Aguibou Kamaté)一起,贾艾尼克在洛美重新集结,离许多物件的来源地更近,也离它们继续行走的路线更近。自2018年以来,柏林成为这张地图上的又一个节点。Wolfgang Jaenicke画廊现设在夏洛滕堡皇宫对面,由一支小型专家团队支撑。其重点,尤其聚焦于西非青铜器与陶土器——这类以土与火为塑造材料,又以记忆形式抵御轻易翻译的材料。 贾艾尼克的实践之所以与众不同,不仅在于它的地理范围,还在于其内部张力。田野工作与来源研究并行;商业活动与责任感被视为不可分割。与博物馆及学术机构的合作中,流通被框定为一种伦理过程,而非单纯的掠取。目标并非将物件从世界中移除并封存起来,而是让它们在世界中保持可读性——在其言语的条件改变之时,仍使它们继续发声。 ------------ Galerie Wolfgang Jaenicke 是一家驻柏林的画廊,专注于西非雕塑、青铜器、陶土器、面具以及当代非洲艺术。由沃尔夫冈·贾艾尼克掌舵,他的工作结合了收藏、经销、来源研究、田野考察与档案文献记录。 据画廊自述,贾艾尼克学习了民族学、艺术史与比较法,在非洲艺术领域从业超过二十五年。他的活动通过在马里、喀麦隆、科特迪瓦、布基纳法索、加纳和多哥等国的长期参与而发展起来。他并非将非洲艺术呈现为一个封闭的历史范畴,而是描述为由活生生的社区和不断变化的历史情境共同塑造的持续文化传统。 他职业生涯的一个特别重要阶段是在马里,约2002年至2012年间在巴马科和塞古居住、工作。在那里他经营Tribalartforum,一家将历史性非洲雕塑与当代非洲摄影结合起来的画廊,包括马利克·西迪贝的作品。2012年马里的政治与军事危机导致这一阶段的活动关闭。 随后,贾艾尼克与阿吉布·卡马特一起继续在洛美、多哥工作,然后在柏林夏洛滕堡宫附近建立画廊。画廊尤为强调西非青铜器、陶土器、与贝宁及伊菲相关作品、诺克(Nok)雕塑、道贡(Dogon)艺术、包雷(Baule)雕塑、塞努福(Senufo)物件以及约鲁巴材料等。 贾艾尼克公共立场的一个独特之处在于他反复强调来源透明度和赔偿辩论。在若干已发表的物件记录中,画廊明确讨论出口文书、联合国教科文组织公约、所有权历史以及与学者和赔偿研究人员的沟通等问题。这些陈述反映了当代关于非洲文化遗产流通、合法性、收藏史及博物馆收购实践的更广泛辩论。 画廊维持着大量线上档案与目录,记录着数百件非洲物件,包括贝宁与伊菲青铜器、诺克陶土、道贡雕塑、包雷人像、丰(Fon)物件、莫巴(Moba)人像及其他西非材料。 对于研究非洲艺术贸易史的学者而言,贾艾尼克代表了比约翰·J·克莱曼等人物更后期的一代经销商。克莱曼属于二战后纽约市场的1950年代至1970年代,而贾艾尼克的工作则受现代议题的影响:田野文档、来源研究、赔偿讨论、数字档案以及与西非网络与艺术家直接接触。 本文本基于人工智能信息
使用Google翻译翻译

Terracotta Bankoni pirogue with figural ensemble, region Segou, Mali.

At the centre of the pirogue stands a mounted rider seated on a comparatively small horse. As Jentsch observed for the entire corpus, the rider is significantly larger than the horse, emphasising hierarchy rather than naturalistic proportion. The horse's robust, column-like legs are integrated into the body of the boat, serving both structural and compositional functions. The rider faces the direction of travel and is characterised by an elongated neck encircled by a prominent ring, which Jentsch describes as a neck ornament. The elongated head and highly simplified facial features—with only minimally modelled eyes, nose, and mouth—are likewise consistent with the stylistic conventions identified in the article.

The front and rear views reveal four attendant figures arranged symmetrically at the bow and stern. Kneeling along the gunwales, they are markedly smaller than the rider, reinforcing the hierarchical organisation of the group. Although Jentsch notes that attendants frequently hold short paddles, no such attributes can be identified with certainty on this example, either because of surface erosion or because they were never modelled. Nevertheless, the spatial arrangement corresponds closely to the compositional pattern described in the article.

Seen from the rear, the sculpture also demonstrates how completely the horse, rider, attendants, and boat are integrated into a single sculptural entity. The pirogue is not merely a support for the figures but a shared spatial framework in which all participants are materially connected. For this reason, Jentsch's term "figural ornament" appears problematic. The figures do not decorate the boat; rather, they constitute its primary iconographic programme. Without the horse, rider, and attendants, the vessel would lose its meaning. The sculpture therefore represents a coherent narrative or ritual scene rather than a miniature model of an ordinary canoe.

From the perspective of object biography, the sculpture can be understood as more than an archaeological artefact. Surface wear, losses, and weathering testify to a long history of use and deposition. Combined with Jentsch's observation that many pirogues were already broken before burial, these traces suggest that fragmentation may have formed part of the object's original life history rather than resulting solely from accidental damage. The biography of the sculpture therefore encompasses manufacture, ritual use, possible intentional fragmentation, deposition, excavation, restoration, circulation through the art market, and eventual reinterpretation as a work of African art. Analogies with carved Bamana pirogue sculptures further support an interpretation of the vessel not as a simple scale model but as a symbolic and performative space in which hierarchy, authority, ancestral presence, or ritual transition were materially enacted.

In his article, Thomas Jentsch presents for the first time a corpus of twenty-eight terracotta pirogue models from the Inland Niger Delta of Mali that entered Germany through the art market and are now in the author's private collection. According to a thermoluminescence test, at least one example dates to approximately 490 years ago. Jentsch provides a detailed formal description of the objects, discussing their dimensions, construction, and iconography. Most depict a long, narrow canoe carrying a centrally placed horse with one or two mounted riders, accompanied by kneeling attendants positioned at the bow and stern. Some figures hold paddles, shields, or quivers, while others are distinguished by necklaces, arm rings, amulets, and highly stylised facial features. The article also compares these works with related finds from Fatoma and the Sévaré region, arguing that figural pirogue representations were not confined to the Djenné area. Because neither the archaeological provenance nor the excavation contexts are known, however, the discussion remains largely descriptive and typological, focusing on morphology rather than function or meaning.

Viewed through the lens of object biography, the article invites a broader interpretation than it ultimately pursues. Rather than treating the pirogues simply as archaeological sculptures or miniature boats, they can be understood as objects whose significance changed over time. Their biographies encompass manufacture, ritual or social use, deliberate or accidental fragmentation, deposition, excavation, restoration, circulation through the art market, acquisition by collectors, and eventual publication as works of African art. Particularly significant is Jentsch's observation that the fracture surfaces had already acquired a patina before burial, suggesting that the objects had been broken prior to deposition. While this cannot be taken as proof of ritual fragmentation, it raises the possibility that breaking formed part of the objects' original life history rather than being merely the result of later damage.

The title itself, “Pirogue Models with Figural Ornament,” also deserves reconsideration. The term “ornament” implies decoration, whereas the repeated arrangement of horse, rider, attendants, paddles, and weapons suggests a coherent iconographic programme. Rather than embellishing the boats, these figures may have constituted an integrated ritual ensemble. Analogies with carved Bamana pirogue models indicate that the boats could have functioned as symbolic spaces in which authority, ancestral presence, procession, or ritual transition was enacted. An object-biographical approach therefore shifts attention away from stylistic description towards the changing social and ritual lives of these artefacts, recognising them not only as archaeological finds but also as objects transformed through use, deposition, restoration, collection, and scholarly interpretation.

Thomas Jentsch, “Pirogenmodelle mit Figurenschmuck aus Mali,” Kunst & Kontext, no. 28, June 2026, pp. 17–20.

Some of the information is generated by artificial intelligence and is based on published sources from the fields of ethnography, archaeology, and art history.

Invent. No. MAZ//18/9///39

The seller guarantees and can prove that the object was obtained legally. The seller was informed by Catawiki that they had to provide the documentation required by the laws and regulations in their country of residence. The seller guarantees and is entitled to sell/export this object. The seller will provide all provenance information known about the object to the buyer. The seller ensures that any necessary permits are/will be arranged. The seller will inform the buyer immediately about any delays in obtaining such permits.

卖家故事

沃尔夫冈·贾艾尼克的对非洲艺术的投入并非始于田野或市场,而是在一个更安静、更内在的空间——在父亲的文件、书籍与物件之间。关于德国前殖民地的档案并非为了讲出一个单一的故事;它暗示着多种可能。它邀请审视而非崇敬,并让贾艾尼克在早年就明白,物件从来不是沉默的。它们内部携带时间——断裂与延续以同样的形式共存——并请人像对待文本那样去解读它们。 二十多年多来,贾艾尼克一直以收藏家、经销商与中介的身份工作,尽管这些称谓都不能完全概括他的实践形态。曾经较为随意地归在“部落艺术”范畴下的事物,在他看来从未是一个封闭或历史性的类别。它更像是一组活生生的传统,不断在当下进行协商。他的学术训练——民族学、艺术史与比较法——提供了一个语法;语言本身则在别处学得。在马里、喀麦隆、科特迪瓦、布基纳法索、多哥和加纳,知识是通过反复的相遇逐步显现,逐步变成关系,并通过信任在多年里一点点建立起来。 马里成为这段经历的重力中心。2002年至2012年间,贾艾尼克在巴马科和塞古居住并工作,经营着Tribalartforum,一家俯瞰尼日尔河的画廊。这个空间抵抗简单的年表化叙述。雕塑与陶器与摄影共处同一房间,马利克·西德比(Malick Sidibé)的作品——70年代昔日马里的青年形象,充满自信与热情——与更古老的仪式形式并列挂着。其效果并非让人怀旧,而是澄清:过去与现在并不彼此抵消,而是相互锐化。 2012年的战争突然结束了这一阶段,正如战争常常所做的那样。但它并未消解这份工作。与阿吉布·卡马特(Aguibou Kamaté)一起,贾艾尼克在洛美重新集结,离许多物件的来源地更近,也离它们继续行走的路线更近。自2018年以来,柏林成为这张地图上的又一个节点。Wolfgang Jaenicke画廊现设在夏洛滕堡皇宫对面,由一支小型专家团队支撑。其重点,尤其聚焦于西非青铜器与陶土器——这类以土与火为塑造材料,又以记忆形式抵御轻易翻译的材料。 贾艾尼克的实践之所以与众不同,不仅在于它的地理范围,还在于其内部张力。田野工作与来源研究并行;商业活动与责任感被视为不可分割。与博物馆及学术机构的合作中,流通被框定为一种伦理过程,而非单纯的掠取。目标并非将物件从世界中移除并封存起来,而是让它们在世界中保持可读性——在其言语的条件改变之时,仍使它们继续发声。 ------------ Galerie Wolfgang Jaenicke 是一家驻柏林的画廊,专注于西非雕塑、青铜器、陶土器、面具以及当代非洲艺术。由沃尔夫冈·贾艾尼克掌舵,他的工作结合了收藏、经销、来源研究、田野考察与档案文献记录。 据画廊自述,贾艾尼克学习了民族学、艺术史与比较法,在非洲艺术领域从业超过二十五年。他的活动通过在马里、喀麦隆、科特迪瓦、布基纳法索、加纳和多哥等国的长期参与而发展起来。他并非将非洲艺术呈现为一个封闭的历史范畴,而是描述为由活生生的社区和不断变化的历史情境共同塑造的持续文化传统。 他职业生涯的一个特别重要阶段是在马里,约2002年至2012年间在巴马科和塞古居住、工作。在那里他经营Tribalartforum,一家将历史性非洲雕塑与当代非洲摄影结合起来的画廊,包括马利克·西迪贝的作品。2012年马里的政治与军事危机导致这一阶段的活动关闭。 随后,贾艾尼克与阿吉布·卡马特一起继续在洛美、多哥工作,然后在柏林夏洛滕堡宫附近建立画廊。画廊尤为强调西非青铜器、陶土器、与贝宁及伊菲相关作品、诺克(Nok)雕塑、道贡(Dogon)艺术、包雷(Baule)雕塑、塞努福(Senufo)物件以及约鲁巴材料等。 贾艾尼克公共立场的一个独特之处在于他反复强调来源透明度和赔偿辩论。在若干已发表的物件记录中,画廊明确讨论出口文书、联合国教科文组织公约、所有权历史以及与学者和赔偿研究人员的沟通等问题。这些陈述反映了当代关于非洲文化遗产流通、合法性、收藏史及博物馆收购实践的更广泛辩论。 画廊维持着大量线上档案与目录,记录着数百件非洲物件,包括贝宁与伊菲青铜器、诺克陶土、道贡雕塑、包雷人像、丰(Fon)物件、莫巴(Moba)人像及其他西非材料。 对于研究非洲艺术贸易史的学者而言,贾艾尼克代表了比约翰·J·克莱曼等人物更后期的一代经销商。克莱曼属于二战后纽约市场的1950年代至1970年代,而贾艾尼克的工作则受现代议题的影响:田野文档、来源研究、赔偿讨论、数字档案以及与西非网络与艺术家直接接触。 本文本基于人工智能信息
使用Google翻译翻译

详细资料

Indigenous object name
Bankoni
Ethnic group/ culture
Bamana
原产国
马里
材质
Terracotta
Sold with stand
不是
状态
情况尚佳
艺术品标题
A terracotta sculpture
高度
17 cm
深度
25 cm
重量
1,4 kg
真伪
原始的/正式的
德国经验证
6533
已售出的几件物品
99,44%
protop

Rechtliche Informationen des Verkäufers

Unternehmen:
Jaenicke Njoya GmbH
Repräsentant:
Wolfgang Jaenicke
Adresse:
Jaenicke Njoya GmbH
Klausenerplatz 7
14059 Berlin
GERMANY
Telefonnummer:
+493033951033
Email:
w.jaenicke@jaenicke-njoya.com
USt-IdNr.:
DE241193499

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