A wooden sculpture - Prampram - Ghana

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A wooden sculpture from Ghana titled 'A wooden sculpture', originating from Prampram and sold with stand, height 172 cm, weight 2.2 kg, in fair condition.

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Description from the seller

Prampram staff, Southern region, Prampram town, Ghana. Incl stand.

This prestige staff or scepter, attributed to the very rare and confidential corpus of Prampram statuary (Ga-Dangme people, coastal region of southeastern Ghana), is characterized by a repetitive and highly ritualized vertical totemic structure.

The object takes the form of a long, vertical pole carved from a single block, onto which several stylized anthropomorphic figures are superimposed. This vertical, repetitive structure evokes the continuity of lineage, generational stacking, and the connection between the earthly world and the realm of the ancestors. Each figure embodies the minimalist aesthetic canon characteristic of sculptures from this region: a very elongated, slender body, arms close to the torso ending abruptly without detail for the hands, and simplified legs. The figures have ovoid or spherical heads mounted on long, cylindrical necks. The faces exhibit a strict economy of means: the eyes and mouths are simple, punctiform incisions, and the nose is reduced to a thin, straight vertical ridge. Between the different sections and at the base of each figure, the wood is punctuated by geometric bulges shaped like hourglasses or spools. On several segments, natural fiber collars or cord bindings are visible, a common ritual addition used to secure the object's magical or symbolic power. The lower part of the staff, just before the terminal sleeve inserted into the base, is carved with a helical twist motif. This spiral movement creates a dynamic break with the vertical rigidity of the rest of the piece.

Historical inquiry into the origins and migration history of the Prampram people situates this community within the broader ethnolinguistic constellation known as the Ga‑Dangme of southeastern Ghana. The Ga‑Dangme category designates a group of related peoples speaking varieties of the Kwa branch of the Niger‑Congo language family, with Dangme dialects spoken in the coastal plain extending from Kpone to Ada and including groups such as the Ada, Krobo, Ningo, Osudoku, Shai, and Prampram (identified in sources as the Gbugbla subgroup) and Ga dialects concentrated around Accra and Tema. The linguistic classification underscores shared structural affinities among these speech communities and reflects deeper historical connections across the region, forming the linguistic substrate of present‑day Ga‑Dangme identity.

Reconstruction of early migratory narratives among Ga‑Dangme groups relies principally on oral tradition, supplemented by historical linguistics and early colonial records. Multiple oral histories recorded in local archives and community memory posit a long series of migrations from the eastern reaches of Africa toward the Gulf of Guinea. These traditions, while variable in detail, describe ancestral movements from regions associated in cosmological accounts with zones as far east as Egypt and Southern Sudan, with subsequent sojourns in territories identified as Same in Niger and Ile‑Ife in present‑day Nigeria before westward movement into Benin, Togo, and ultimately the coastal plains of modern Ghana.

The historical layers embedded in these narratives cannot be uncritically equated with documented pre‑colonial migration events in the manner of written histories, but they constitute an indigenous archive of memory that complements archaeological, linguistic, and ethnographic evidence. These stories position the Ga‑Dangme — including the group ancestral to the Prampram community — as part of a long trajectory of movement along established trans‑Saharan and trans‑Sahelian routes, gradually descending the Niger River corridor and crossing the Volta River before arriving on the Accra plains by the thirteenth to fourteenth centuries.

Within Ghanaian historical geography, the Dangme groups, including the Prampram people, are understood to have coalesced into discrete communities in the Greater Accra coastal plains by roughly 1400 CE, with settlement patterns articulated around clan‑based landholdings and autonomous town structures. Dina Kropp‑Dakubu and other historical linguists note that the “in‑migration of the Ga‑Dangme‑speaking people… was probably complete by CE 1400” and that the distinctions between Ga and Dangme linguistic varieties crystallized over subsequent centuries of settlement and interaction with neighboring groups.

Sociocultural organization among Dangme societies reflects these deep histories of mobility and adaptation. Many Dangme communities, including Prampram, have traditionally structured kinship and land tenure through patrilineal descent, while maintaining complex ritual institutions and performative practices that reinforce social continuity. Ritual festivals such as Homowo, interpreted as an expression of agricultural resilience and communal memory of past hardship, are central to communal identity and trace shared cultural frameworks across Ga‑Dangme groups.

Early European sources from the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries provide further corroboration of the presence of Dangme communities at important coastal entrepôts during the pre‑colonial and early colonial eras. Historical records of trade and contact — for example, references in merchant accounts to towns identified as Ponnie (Kpone), Lay (Ningo), and Pompena (Prampram) — indicate that these communities were integrated into the emergent Atlantic economy, functioning as nodes in commercial networks linking interior producers with European traders.

Settlement in the Prampram area itself took shape against this backdrop of coastal exchange and local social evolution. Prampram (identified in colonial and later cartographic sources as Gbugbla) emerged as a distinct town entity with its own chiefly lineage and system of customary authority, engaging in fishing, small‑scale farming, and trade long before formal colonial administration. Its linguistic identity as Dangme and its integration into the regional festival calendar situate the community firmly within the cultural matrix of the Ga‑Dangme coastal societies.

While oral accounts often extend ancestral origins to ancient Near Eastern contexts, such as migrations from Israel in the first millennium BCE, these narratives should be read primarily as mytho‑historical frameworks through which the Ga‑Dangme peoples articulate notions of antiquity, spiritual lineage, and existential continuity rather than as literal geographic provenance verified by archaeological data. Such motifs — recurring in multiple African oral traditions — serve to anchor local histories in cosmological horizons that transcend immediate geographic memory.

Colonial encounter in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries introduced new political dynamics but did not fundamentally alter the ethnic composition of the Prampram community, which remained rooted in its indigenous Dangme lineage. The town’s participation in coastal trade, including interactions mediated through European trading forts, expanded its economic reach while reinforcing its position within the network of Ga‑Dangme polities.

In sum, the provenance of the Prampram people is best understood as the cumulative outcome of long‑distance movements of Ga‑Dangme ancestors, processes of settlement and differentiation on the Accra plains, and sustained cultural reproduction through local institutions of language, ritual, and social organization. The interdisciplinary synthesis of oral tradition, linguistic classification, and historical documentation affirms that the Prampram community did not arise ex nihilo in the last centuries but emerged from deep historical roots within the dynamic ethnographic landscape of West Africa.

M. E. Kropp Dakubu, Korle Meets the Sea: A Sociolinguistic History of Accra (Oxford University Press, 1997). This work traces the emergence and spread of the Ga and Dangme languages across the coastal plain and analyzes migration traditions and historical contact with other groups; linguistic evidence is used to reconstruct aspects of ethnogenesis.
Carl Christian Reindorf, The History of the Gold Coast and Asante (originally published 1895; Ghana Universities Press edition). A seminal historical account by one of the earliest indigenous historians; it preserves local oral traditions and incorporates them into a cohesive narrative of Gold Coast history that includes references to coastal peoples and migration movements.
Victoria Ellen Smith (ed.), Voices of Ghana (Cambridge University Press, 2018). This anthology includes contributions on many Ghanaian ethnic traditions and oral histories, including material relevant to Ga‑Dangme cultural identity and historical narrative.
Joshua N. Kudadjie, “Aspects of Ga and Dangme Thought about Time as Contained in Their Proverbs.” In Time and Temporality in Intercultural Perspective, Brill (1996). A disciplinary study offering insight into Ga‑Dangme conceptualizations that intersect with historical reflection and cultural expression.

This information is created by AI and based on published ethnographic and art-historical sources.

Seller's Story

Wolfgang Jaenicke’s engagement with African art did not begin in the field or the marketplace but in a quieter, more inward space—among papers, books, and objects that belonged to his father. The archive on Germany’s former colonies was not arranged to tell a single story; it suggested many. It invited scrutiny rather than reverence, and it taught Jaenicke early on that objects are never mute. They carry time inside them—fracture and continuity held in the same form—and they ask to be read as carefully as texts. For more than a quarter century, Jaenicke has worked as a collector, dealer, and intermediary, though none of these terms quite captures the shape of his practice. What used to be grouped, too casually, under the heading of “Tribal Art” has never appeared to him as a sealed or historical category. It is, instead, a set of living traditions, constantly negotiating the present. His academic training—in ethnology, art history, and comparative law—provided a grammar. The language itself he learned elsewhere. In Mali, Cameroon, Côte d’Ivoire, Burkina Faso, Togo, and Ghana, knowledge emerged slowly, through repeated encounters that hardened into relationships, and through trust built not all at once but over years. Mali became the gravitational center of this experience. Between 2002 and 2012, Jaenicke lived and worked in Bamako and Ségou, where he ran Tribalartforum, a gallery overlooking the Niger River. The space resisted easy chronology. Sculptures and ceramics shared the room with photography, and works by Malick Sidibé—images of Malian youth in the 1970s, self-assured and exuberant—hung alongside older ritual forms. The effect was not nostalgic but clarifying: past and present did not cancel each other out; they sharpened one another. The war of 2012 ended this chapter abruptly, as wars tend to do. But it did not dissolve the work. Together with Aguibou Kamaté, Jaenicke regrouped in Lomé, closer to the places where many of the objects originated and to the routes they continue to travel. Since 2018, Berlin has become another point on this map. Galerie Wolfgang Jaenicke now operates opposite Charlottenburg Palace, supported by a small team of specialists. Its focus rests, in particular, on West African bronzes and terracottas—materials shaped by earth and fire, and by forms of memory that resist easy translation. What distinguishes Jaenicke’s practice is not only its geographical range but its internal tension. Fieldwork is paired with provenance research; commerce is treated as inseparable from responsibility. In collaboration with museums and scholarly initiatives, circulation is framed not as extraction but as an ethical process that remains unfinished. The aim is not to remove objects from the world and seal them off, but to keep them readable within it—to allow them to continue speaking, even as the conditions of their speech change. ------------ Galerie Wolfgang Jaenicke is a Berlin-based gallery specializing in West African sculpture, bronzes, terracottas, masks, and contemporary African art. It is directed by Wolfgang Jaenicke, whose work combines collecting, dealing, provenance research, fieldwork, and archival documentation. According to the gallery’s own account, Jaenicke studied ethnology, art history, and comparative law and has worked in the field of African art for more than twenty-five years. His activities developed through long-term engagement in countries including Mali, Cameroon, Côte d’Ivoire, Burkina Faso, Ghana, and Togo. Rather than presenting African art as a closed historical category, he describes it as a continuing cultural tradition shaped by living communities and changing historical contexts. A particularly important phase of his career was in Mali, where he lived and worked between roughly 2002 and 2012 in Bamako and Ségou. There he operated Tribalartforum, a gallery that combined historical African sculpture with contemporary African photography, including works by Malick Sidibé. The political and military crisis in Mali in 2012 led to the closure of this phase of activity. Later, together with Aguibou Kamaté, Jaenicke continued working from Lomé, Togo, before establishing a gallery presence in Berlin near Charlottenburg Palace. The gallery places particular emphasis on West African bronzes, terracottas, Benin and Ife-related works, Nok sculpture, Dogon art, Baule sculpture, Senufo objects, and Yoruba material. One distinctive aspect of Jaenicke’s public position is his repeated emphasis on provenance transparency and restitution debates. On several published object records, the gallery explicitly discusses issues surrounding export documentation, UNESCO conventions, ownership histories, and communication with scholars and restitution researchers. These statements reflect broader contemporary debates about the circulation of African cultural heritage, legality, collecting history, and museum acquisition practices. The gallery maintains extensive online archives and catalogues documenting hundreds of African objects, including Benin and Ife bronzes, Nok terracottas, Dogon sculptures, Baule figures, Fon objects, Moba figures, and other West African material. For researchers interested in the history of the African art trade, Jaenicke represents a later generation of dealers compared with figures such as John J. Klejman. Whereas Klejman belonged to the postwar New York market of the 1950s–1970s, Jaenicke’s work has been shaped by contemporary concerns with field documentation, provenance research, restitution discussions, digital archives, and direct engagement with West African networks and artists. This text is based on AI Information

Prampram staff, Southern region, Prampram town, Ghana. Incl stand.

This prestige staff or scepter, attributed to the very rare and confidential corpus of Prampram statuary (Ga-Dangme people, coastal region of southeastern Ghana), is characterized by a repetitive and highly ritualized vertical totemic structure.

The object takes the form of a long, vertical pole carved from a single block, onto which several stylized anthropomorphic figures are superimposed. This vertical, repetitive structure evokes the continuity of lineage, generational stacking, and the connection between the earthly world and the realm of the ancestors. Each figure embodies the minimalist aesthetic canon characteristic of sculptures from this region: a very elongated, slender body, arms close to the torso ending abruptly without detail for the hands, and simplified legs. The figures have ovoid or spherical heads mounted on long, cylindrical necks. The faces exhibit a strict economy of means: the eyes and mouths are simple, punctiform incisions, and the nose is reduced to a thin, straight vertical ridge. Between the different sections and at the base of each figure, the wood is punctuated by geometric bulges shaped like hourglasses or spools. On several segments, natural fiber collars or cord bindings are visible, a common ritual addition used to secure the object's magical or symbolic power. The lower part of the staff, just before the terminal sleeve inserted into the base, is carved with a helical twist motif. This spiral movement creates a dynamic break with the vertical rigidity of the rest of the piece.

Historical inquiry into the origins and migration history of the Prampram people situates this community within the broader ethnolinguistic constellation known as the Ga‑Dangme of southeastern Ghana. The Ga‑Dangme category designates a group of related peoples speaking varieties of the Kwa branch of the Niger‑Congo language family, with Dangme dialects spoken in the coastal plain extending from Kpone to Ada and including groups such as the Ada, Krobo, Ningo, Osudoku, Shai, and Prampram (identified in sources as the Gbugbla subgroup) and Ga dialects concentrated around Accra and Tema. The linguistic classification underscores shared structural affinities among these speech communities and reflects deeper historical connections across the region, forming the linguistic substrate of present‑day Ga‑Dangme identity.

Reconstruction of early migratory narratives among Ga‑Dangme groups relies principally on oral tradition, supplemented by historical linguistics and early colonial records. Multiple oral histories recorded in local archives and community memory posit a long series of migrations from the eastern reaches of Africa toward the Gulf of Guinea. These traditions, while variable in detail, describe ancestral movements from regions associated in cosmological accounts with zones as far east as Egypt and Southern Sudan, with subsequent sojourns in territories identified as Same in Niger and Ile‑Ife in present‑day Nigeria before westward movement into Benin, Togo, and ultimately the coastal plains of modern Ghana.

The historical layers embedded in these narratives cannot be uncritically equated with documented pre‑colonial migration events in the manner of written histories, but they constitute an indigenous archive of memory that complements archaeological, linguistic, and ethnographic evidence. These stories position the Ga‑Dangme — including the group ancestral to the Prampram community — as part of a long trajectory of movement along established trans‑Saharan and trans‑Sahelian routes, gradually descending the Niger River corridor and crossing the Volta River before arriving on the Accra plains by the thirteenth to fourteenth centuries.

Within Ghanaian historical geography, the Dangme groups, including the Prampram people, are understood to have coalesced into discrete communities in the Greater Accra coastal plains by roughly 1400 CE, with settlement patterns articulated around clan‑based landholdings and autonomous town structures. Dina Kropp‑Dakubu and other historical linguists note that the “in‑migration of the Ga‑Dangme‑speaking people… was probably complete by CE 1400” and that the distinctions between Ga and Dangme linguistic varieties crystallized over subsequent centuries of settlement and interaction with neighboring groups.

Sociocultural organization among Dangme societies reflects these deep histories of mobility and adaptation. Many Dangme communities, including Prampram, have traditionally structured kinship and land tenure through patrilineal descent, while maintaining complex ritual institutions and performative practices that reinforce social continuity. Ritual festivals such as Homowo, interpreted as an expression of agricultural resilience and communal memory of past hardship, are central to communal identity and trace shared cultural frameworks across Ga‑Dangme groups.

Early European sources from the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries provide further corroboration of the presence of Dangme communities at important coastal entrepôts during the pre‑colonial and early colonial eras. Historical records of trade and contact — for example, references in merchant accounts to towns identified as Ponnie (Kpone), Lay (Ningo), and Pompena (Prampram) — indicate that these communities were integrated into the emergent Atlantic economy, functioning as nodes in commercial networks linking interior producers with European traders.

Settlement in the Prampram area itself took shape against this backdrop of coastal exchange and local social evolution. Prampram (identified in colonial and later cartographic sources as Gbugbla) emerged as a distinct town entity with its own chiefly lineage and system of customary authority, engaging in fishing, small‑scale farming, and trade long before formal colonial administration. Its linguistic identity as Dangme and its integration into the regional festival calendar situate the community firmly within the cultural matrix of the Ga‑Dangme coastal societies.

While oral accounts often extend ancestral origins to ancient Near Eastern contexts, such as migrations from Israel in the first millennium BCE, these narratives should be read primarily as mytho‑historical frameworks through which the Ga‑Dangme peoples articulate notions of antiquity, spiritual lineage, and existential continuity rather than as literal geographic provenance verified by archaeological data. Such motifs — recurring in multiple African oral traditions — serve to anchor local histories in cosmological horizons that transcend immediate geographic memory.

Colonial encounter in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries introduced new political dynamics but did not fundamentally alter the ethnic composition of the Prampram community, which remained rooted in its indigenous Dangme lineage. The town’s participation in coastal trade, including interactions mediated through European trading forts, expanded its economic reach while reinforcing its position within the network of Ga‑Dangme polities.

In sum, the provenance of the Prampram people is best understood as the cumulative outcome of long‑distance movements of Ga‑Dangme ancestors, processes of settlement and differentiation on the Accra plains, and sustained cultural reproduction through local institutions of language, ritual, and social organization. The interdisciplinary synthesis of oral tradition, linguistic classification, and historical documentation affirms that the Prampram community did not arise ex nihilo in the last centuries but emerged from deep historical roots within the dynamic ethnographic landscape of West Africa.

M. E. Kropp Dakubu, Korle Meets the Sea: A Sociolinguistic History of Accra (Oxford University Press, 1997). This work traces the emergence and spread of the Ga and Dangme languages across the coastal plain and analyzes migration traditions and historical contact with other groups; linguistic evidence is used to reconstruct aspects of ethnogenesis.
Carl Christian Reindorf, The History of the Gold Coast and Asante (originally published 1895; Ghana Universities Press edition). A seminal historical account by one of the earliest indigenous historians; it preserves local oral traditions and incorporates them into a cohesive narrative of Gold Coast history that includes references to coastal peoples and migration movements.
Victoria Ellen Smith (ed.), Voices of Ghana (Cambridge University Press, 2018). This anthology includes contributions on many Ghanaian ethnic traditions and oral histories, including material relevant to Ga‑Dangme cultural identity and historical narrative.
Joshua N. Kudadjie, “Aspects of Ga and Dangme Thought about Time as Contained in Their Proverbs.” In Time and Temporality in Intercultural Perspective, Brill (1996). A disciplinary study offering insight into Ga‑Dangme conceptualizations that intersect with historical reflection and cultural expression.

This information is created by AI and based on published ethnographic and art-historical sources.

Seller's Story

Wolfgang Jaenicke’s engagement with African art did not begin in the field or the marketplace but in a quieter, more inward space—among papers, books, and objects that belonged to his father. The archive on Germany’s former colonies was not arranged to tell a single story; it suggested many. It invited scrutiny rather than reverence, and it taught Jaenicke early on that objects are never mute. They carry time inside them—fracture and continuity held in the same form—and they ask to be read as carefully as texts. For more than a quarter century, Jaenicke has worked as a collector, dealer, and intermediary, though none of these terms quite captures the shape of his practice. What used to be grouped, too casually, under the heading of “Tribal Art” has never appeared to him as a sealed or historical category. It is, instead, a set of living traditions, constantly negotiating the present. His academic training—in ethnology, art history, and comparative law—provided a grammar. The language itself he learned elsewhere. In Mali, Cameroon, Côte d’Ivoire, Burkina Faso, Togo, and Ghana, knowledge emerged slowly, through repeated encounters that hardened into relationships, and through trust built not all at once but over years. Mali became the gravitational center of this experience. Between 2002 and 2012, Jaenicke lived and worked in Bamako and Ségou, where he ran Tribalartforum, a gallery overlooking the Niger River. The space resisted easy chronology. Sculptures and ceramics shared the room with photography, and works by Malick Sidibé—images of Malian youth in the 1970s, self-assured and exuberant—hung alongside older ritual forms. The effect was not nostalgic but clarifying: past and present did not cancel each other out; they sharpened one another. The war of 2012 ended this chapter abruptly, as wars tend to do. But it did not dissolve the work. Together with Aguibou Kamaté, Jaenicke regrouped in Lomé, closer to the places where many of the objects originated and to the routes they continue to travel. Since 2018, Berlin has become another point on this map. Galerie Wolfgang Jaenicke now operates opposite Charlottenburg Palace, supported by a small team of specialists. Its focus rests, in particular, on West African bronzes and terracottas—materials shaped by earth and fire, and by forms of memory that resist easy translation. What distinguishes Jaenicke’s practice is not only its geographical range but its internal tension. Fieldwork is paired with provenance research; commerce is treated as inseparable from responsibility. In collaboration with museums and scholarly initiatives, circulation is framed not as extraction but as an ethical process that remains unfinished. The aim is not to remove objects from the world and seal them off, but to keep them readable within it—to allow them to continue speaking, even as the conditions of their speech change. ------------ Galerie Wolfgang Jaenicke is a Berlin-based gallery specializing in West African sculpture, bronzes, terracottas, masks, and contemporary African art. It is directed by Wolfgang Jaenicke, whose work combines collecting, dealing, provenance research, fieldwork, and archival documentation. According to the gallery’s own account, Jaenicke studied ethnology, art history, and comparative law and has worked in the field of African art for more than twenty-five years. His activities developed through long-term engagement in countries including Mali, Cameroon, Côte d’Ivoire, Burkina Faso, Ghana, and Togo. Rather than presenting African art as a closed historical category, he describes it as a continuing cultural tradition shaped by living communities and changing historical contexts. A particularly important phase of his career was in Mali, where he lived and worked between roughly 2002 and 2012 in Bamako and Ségou. There he operated Tribalartforum, a gallery that combined historical African sculpture with contemporary African photography, including works by Malick Sidibé. The political and military crisis in Mali in 2012 led to the closure of this phase of activity. Later, together with Aguibou Kamaté, Jaenicke continued working from Lomé, Togo, before establishing a gallery presence in Berlin near Charlottenburg Palace. The gallery places particular emphasis on West African bronzes, terracottas, Benin and Ife-related works, Nok sculpture, Dogon art, Baule sculpture, Senufo objects, and Yoruba material. One distinctive aspect of Jaenicke’s public position is his repeated emphasis on provenance transparency and restitution debates. On several published object records, the gallery explicitly discusses issues surrounding export documentation, UNESCO conventions, ownership histories, and communication with scholars and restitution researchers. These statements reflect broader contemporary debates about the circulation of African cultural heritage, legality, collecting history, and museum acquisition practices. The gallery maintains extensive online archives and catalogues documenting hundreds of African objects, including Benin and Ife bronzes, Nok terracottas, Dogon sculptures, Baule figures, Fon objects, Moba figures, and other West African material. For researchers interested in the history of the African art trade, Jaenicke represents a later generation of dealers compared with figures such as John J. Klejman. Whereas Klejman belonged to the postwar New York market of the 1950s–1970s, Jaenicke’s work has been shaped by contemporary concerns with field documentation, provenance research, restitution discussions, digital archives, and direct engagement with West African networks and artists. This text is based on AI Information

Details

Ethnic group/ culture
Prampram
Country of Origin
Ghana
Material
Wood
Sold with stand
Yes
Condition
Fair condition
Title of artwork
A wooden sculpture
Height
172 cm
Weight
2.2 kg
GermanyVerified
6342
Objects sold
99.51%
protop

Rechtliche Informationen des Verkäufers

Unternehmen:
Jaenicke Njoya GmbH
Repräsentant:
Wolfgang Jaenicke
Adresse:
Jaenicke Njoya GmbH
Klausenerplatz 7
14059 Berlin
GERMANY
Telefonnummer:
+493033951033
Email:
w.jaenicke@jaenicke-njoya.com
USt-IdNr.:
DE241193499

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